Qu’est-ce que l’assurance pro ?
L’assurance responsabilité civile pro (RC Pro) est un type d’assurance qui couvre les préjudices matériels ou corporels provoqués dans un intervention professionnel, que ce admettons sur votre lieu de travail et pourquoi pas lors d’une mission.
Elle prend en charge les dommages causés à des tiers, qu’ils soient liés selon une relation contractuelle (clients, partenaires, fournisseurs) ou bien non et garantit les dommages :
Cette formule super complète donne l’opportunité aux entrepreneurs de regrouper différentes cran en une seule. Elle offre des garanties mais aussi des choix complémentaires que chacun souscrire selon les spécificités de sa profession. En effet, chauffeur de taxi, boulanger ainsi qu’à pharmacien ne sont pas soumis aux mêmes risques et n’ont ainsi pas mêmes besoins.
Qui est concernée par l’assurance professionnel ?
L’assurance professionnel n’est pas obligatoire sauf pour maîtrise réglementées ou libérales telles que :
les avocats ;
les huissiers ;
les agents immobiliers ;
les constructeur ;
les professions médicales ;
les comptables ;
agents généraux d’assurance ;
façonnier du bâtiment.
Que couvre l’assurance professionnelle ?
L’assurance responsabilité civile professionnel prend en charge l’indemnisation des troisième en d’accident causé selon :
une erreur ;
une faute ;
une imprudence ;
une négligence ;
l’un de vos employés ou bien sous-traitants ;
vos locaux ;
un animal vous ;
votre matériel professionnel.
Notez que l’assurance professionnel couvre aussi votre activité et vos biens professionnels en d’incendie, de dégât des eaux, de catastrophe naturelle, de vol mais aussi de vandalisme.
|2006 La guerre libanaise|
|Une partie du conflit israélo-libanais et du conflit de substitution irano-israélien(5)|
La poussière augmente suite à l'impact de deux bombes larguées lors d'une frappe aérienne de l'IAF à Tyr au Liban.
|Commandants et commandants|
Ehud Olmert (Premier ministre d'Israël)
David Ben Baasash
Jusqu'à 10 000 soldats d'ici le 2 août;(11) 30 000 soldats au cours des derniers jours.(12)
|Dommages et pertes|
Forces de défense israéliennes:
Combattants du Hezbollah:
Milice d'Amal: 17 morts
La milice LCP: 12 morts
Milice FPLP-GC: 2 morts
CGRI: Tués 6-9 (estimation des officiels libanais)(26)(27)
Forces armées libanaises et forces de sécurité intérieure: 43 morts(2)
Civils libanais (y compris combattants) et étrangers:
Les Nations Unies:
* Le gouvernement libanais ne fait pas de distinction entre civils et combattants en termes de morts.(24)
2006 La guerre libanaise, aussi appelé 2006 La guerre israélo-hezbollah(37) et connu au Liban sous le nom de La guerre de juillet(2) (Arabe: حرب تموز, Basarbas Tammusa) et en Israël comme La seconde guerre du Liban (En hébreu: לבנון השנייה, Milhemet Levanon HaShniya),(38) Il y a eu un conflit militaire de 34 jours au Liban, dans le nord d'Israël et sur les hauteurs du Golan. Les principales parties étaient les forces paramilitaires du Hezbollah et les Forces de défense israéliennes. Le conflit a commencé en 2006. 12 juillet Et cela a continué jusqu'en 2006. 14 août Le cessez-le-feu négocié par les Nations Unies est entré en vigueur ce matin, bien qu'il ait officiellement pris fin en 2006. Le 8 septembre, quand Israël a levé son blocus naval au Liban. En raison du soutien sans précédent de l'armée iranienne au Hezbollah avant et pendant la guerre, certains le voient comme le premier round du conflit indirect entre l'Iran et Israël, et non comme une continuation du conflit israélo-arabe.(5)
Le conflit a été alimenté par le conflit de 2006. Raid transfrontalier du Hezbollah. 2006 12 juillet Les combattants du Hezbollah ont tiré des roquettes sur les villes frontalières israéliennes, ciblant des attaques de missiles antichars contre deux Humvees blindés patrouillant la clôture de la frontière israélienne.(39) Dans l'embuscade, trois soldats restent morts. Le Hezbollah a enlevé deux soldats israéliens et les a transportés au Liban.(39)(40) Cinq autres personnes ont été tuées au Liban lors d'une tentative de sauvetage infructueuse. Le Hezbollah a demandé la libération des prisonniers libanais détenus par Israël en échange de la libération des soldats enlevés.(41) Israël s'est rendu et a répondu aux frappes aériennes et aux tirs d'artillerie sur des cibles au Liban. Israël a attaqué des cibles militaires du Hezbollah et des infrastructures civiles libanaises, y compris l'aéroport international Rafic Hariri de Beyrouth.(42) Les FDI lancent une invasion terrestre du sud du Liban. Israël a également déclaré un blocus aérien et naval.(43) Le Hezbollah a ensuite tiré davantage de roquettes sur le nord d’Israël et l’armée israélienne a été impliquée dans une guerre de guérilla à partir de positions étouffantes.(44)
On estime que le conflit a affecté entre 1 191 et 1 300 Libanais,(45)(46)(47)(48) et 165 Israéliens.(49) Il a gravement endommagé les infrastructures civiles du Liban et déplacé environ un million de Libanais(50) et 300 000 à 500 000 Israéliens.(51)(52)(53)
2006 11 août Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies a approuvé à l'unanimité la résolution 1701 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies (résolution 1701 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies) visant à mettre un terme aux hostilités. Une résolution approuvée ces jours-ci par les gouvernements libanais et israéliens appelait au désarmement du Hezbollah, au retrait des FDI du Liban et au déploiement des forces armées libanaises et de la Force intérimaire des Nations Unies au Liban (FINUL) élargie. La FINUL s'est vue attribuer des pouvoirs étendus, y compris le recours à la force pour s'assurer que leur zone d'opérations n'est pas utilisée pour mener des actions hostiles et pour résister aux tentatives de la force de les empêcher de s'acquitter de leurs fonctions.(54) L'armée libanaise a commencé son déploiement dans le sud du Liban en 2006 17 août Le blocus a été levé en 2006. 8 septembre(55) 2006 1er octobre La plupart des soldats israéliens se sont retirés du Liban, mais les derniers soldats ont continué d'être occupés dans le village de Ghajar, à la frontière.(56) Depuis l'adoption de la résolution 1701, le gouvernement libanais et la FINUL ont déclaré qu'ils ne désarmeraient pas le Hezbollah.(57)(58)(59) Les restes de deux soldats captifs, dont le sort était inconnu, ont été restitués à Israël en 2008. 16 juillet Dans le cadre de l'échange de prisonniers.
1968 Les attaques transfrontalières de l 'Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP) depuis le sud du Liban contre Israël ont suivi la guerre des six jours. la région est devenue une base importante pour les attaques après l'arrivée de la direction de l'OLP et de sa brigade du Fatah après 1971. expulsion de Jordanie. Vers cette époque, les tensions démographiques croissantes autour du pacte national libanais, qui divisait le pouvoir du gouvernement entre les groupes religieux du pays il y a 30 ans, ont commencé à s'intensifier et ont partiellement conduit à la guerre civile libanaise (1975-1990).
Au même moment, la Syrie a commencé son occupation militaire de 29 ans en 1976. L'invasion du Liban par Israël n'a finalement pas permis d'arrêter les attaques palestiniennes. Israël envahit à nouveau le Liban et chassa de force l'OLP.(60) Israël s'est retiré dans une zone tampon frontalière dans le sud du Liban, organisée avec l'aide des combattants autorisés de l'armée libanaise du Sud.(61)
L’invasion a également conduit à la création d’un nouveau groupe militant chiite qui, en 1985, Établie politiquement sous le nom de Hezbollah et a déclaré la lutte armée pour mettre fin à l'occupation israélienne du territoire libanais.(62)(63) Lorsque la guerre civile libanaise s'est terminée et que d'autres groupes militants ont accepté de désarmer, le Hezbollah et l'ALS ont refusé. Dix ans plus tard, en 2000, Israël s'est retiré du Sud-Liban vers la frontière de la Ligne bleue désignée par l'ONU et reconnue internationalement.(64)
Le retrait a également entraîné un effondrement soudain de l'ALS et le Hezbollah a rapidement pris le contrôle de la zone. Plus tard, le Hezbollah a intensifié ses attaques transfrontalières en s'appuyant sur la ferme Sheba sous contrôle israélien et l'internement libanais en Israël, utilisant une tactique pour saisir les soldats israéliens en tant que levier d'échange de prisonniers en 2004.(65)(66) Tout compte fait, depuis 2000 Summers, suite au retrait d'Israël, jusqu'en 2006 En été, le Hezbollah a mené environ 200 attaques sur Israël – la plupart avec des tirs d'artillerie, plusieurs raids et quelques-uns à l'aide de représentants israéliens. Au cours de ces attaques, y compris l'attaque qui a déclenché la réaction d'Israël à la guerre, 31 Israéliens ont été tués et 104 blessés.(un devis est requis)
2006 Août New YorkSeymour Hersh a déclaré que la Maison Blanche avait donné le feu vert au gouvernement israélien pour mener une attaque sur le Hezbollah au Liban. Une communication entre le gouvernement israélien et le gouvernement américain aurait eu lieu deux mois avant l'enlèvement de deux soldats israéliens et l'assassinat de huit autres au Hezbollah avant le conflit de 2006. Juillet(67) Le gouvernement américain a nié ces affirmations.(68)
Selon Conal Urquhart, GardienLe comité de Winograd a publié le témoignage du Premier ministre israélien Ehud Olmert, affirmant qu'Olmert "se préparait à une telle guerre au moins quatre mois avant le casus belli: 2006 12 juillet Le Hezbollah a arrêté deux soldats israéliens d'un poste frontière. "(69)
Efforts d'enlèvement dans les années précédant le conflit
2005 Juin Un groupe de parachutistes des Forces de défense israéliennes (FDI) opérant près des fermes de Shebaa a embauché trois Libanais identifiés comme membres des Forces spéciales du Hezbollah et en a tué un. La séquence restaurée par les parachutistes a été filmée à partir de trois séquences détaillées des environs.(70)
Au cours des 12 prochains mois, le Hezbollah a tenté à trois reprises, sans succès, d’enlever des soldats israéliens. 2005 21 novembre Plusieurs forces spéciales du Hezbollah ont tenté d'attaquer le coin israélien à Ghajare, un village traversant la frontière libano-Golan. Après l’avertissement des services de renseignements, la station a été abandonnée et trois combattants du Hezbollah ont été tués quand un tireur d’élite israélien, David Markovich, leur a tiré une grenade et l’a forcée à exploser. Peu après, Markovic a tiré et a tué une quatrième arme.(70)(71)
Résumé de guerre
Raid transfrontalier du Hezbollah
2006 12 juillet, vers 21 heures À l’heure locale, le Hezbollah a lancé diverses attaques à la roquette contre des positions de l’armée israélienne sur la côte et dans le village voisin de Zar's.(72) également dans la ville israélienne de Shlomi et d'autres villages.(73) Cinq civils ont été blessés.(74) Six positions de l'armée israélienne ont été lancées et des caméras de surveillance ont été renversées.(75)
Au même moment, le contingent terrestre du Hezbollah a infiltré la frontière israélienne par une "zone morte" située sur la clôture de la frontière, cachée dans un Wadi envahi par la végétation. Ils ont attaqué deux patrouilles israéliennes Humvees qui patrouillaient près de Zar, utilisant des explosifs et des missiles antichars, tuant trois soldats, en blessant deux et s'emparant de deux soldats (le sergent Ehud Goldwasser et le sergent Eldad Regev de première classe). .(72)(76)
En réponse aux attaques du Hezbollah, les FDI ont régulièrement vérifié leurs positions, patrouillé et découvert que le contact avec deux jeeps avait été perdu. Les forces de secours ont été immédiatement dépêchées sur les lieux et il a été confirmé que deux soldats avaient disparu après 20 minutes. Le char, le porte-avions blindé et l'hélicoptère Merkava Mk III ont été immédiatement transportés au Liban. Le char a percuté une grande mine terrestre et tué un équipage de quatre personnes. Un autre soldat a été tué et deux autres légèrement blessés par des tirs de mortier alors qu'ils tentaient de récupérer les corps.(72)(75)
Le Hezbollah a qualifié l'attaque "d'opération Promesse de vérité" après que les promesses publiques du dirigeant Hasan Nasrallah au cours des 18 derniers mois aient arrêté des soldats israéliens et les aient échangés contre quatre Libanais détenus par les Israéliens:
- Samir Kuntar (Ressortissant libanais enlevé en 1979 dans une attaque reconnue coupable du meurtre de civils et d'un policier)
- Nasim Nisras (Un citoyen israélien et libanais jugé et reconnu coupable d'espionnage par Israël)
- Yahya Skaf (Un citoyen libanais qui prétend que le Hezbollah a été arrêté en Israël; Israël affirme qu'il a été tué en flagrant délit)(77)(78)
- Ali Faratan (un autre ressortissant libanais que le Hezbollah a prétendu avoir en Israël aurait été abattu en mer.).(79)
Nasrallah a déclaré qu'Israël avait mis fin à un accord antérieur visant à libérer ces prisonniers et que, la diplomatie s'étant effondrée, la violence était la seule option restante.(77) Nasrallah a déclaré qu '«aucune opération militaire ne sauvera ces prisonniers. Comme je l'ai indiqué, le seul moyen est la négociation indirecte et les échanges (de prisonniers).(77)
Le Premier ministre israélien Ehud Olmert a décrit l'enlèvement de soldats comme une "action hostile" de la part de l'État souverain libanais,(80)(81) déclarant que "le Liban subira les conséquences de ses actes"(82) et promet "une réponse très douloureuse et d'une grande portée".(83) Israël a blâmé le gouvernement libanais pour le raid, qui a eu lieu à partir du territoire libanais.(84) À l'époque, le Hezbollah avait deux ministres siégeant dans le cabinet libanais.(85)
En réponse, le Premier ministre libanais, Fouad Siniora, a nié avoir eu connaissance du raid et déclaré qu'il ne l'avait pas condamné.(86)(87) Une réunion extraordinaire du gouvernement libanais a réaffirmé cette position.(88)
Les forces de défense israéliennes ont attaqué des cibles au Liban lors de frappes aériennes et d'artillerie quelques heures avant la réunion du cabinet israélien pour discuter de la réponse. Les cibles consistaient en des ponts et des routes au Liban, qui ont empêché le Hezbollah de transporter les ravisseurs. La voie aérienne israélienne a également détruit les pistes de l'aéroport international Rafico Hariri de Beyrouth.(89) 44 civils ont été tués.(2) L’armée de l’air israélienne a également pris pour cible les stocks de missiles à longue portée et de missiles du Hezbollah, détruisant nombre d’entre eux sur le terrain au début de la guerre.(90)(91) De nombreux missiles à longue portée du Hezbollah ont été détruits au cours des premières heures de l’attaque israélienne.(75)
Plus tard dans la journée (12 juillet 2006), le Cabinet a décidé de permettre au Premier ministre, au ministre de la Défense et à leurs adjoints de mener à bien le plan d’action proposé au Liban. Le Premier ministre Olmert a officiellement demandé aux forces de défense israéliennes d’éviter autant que possible les victimes civiles.(92) Le chef d'état-major israélien, Dan Halutz, a déclaré: "Si les soldats ne sont pas renvoyés, nous retournerons l'horloge du Liban vingt ans en arrière".(93) et Udi Adam, chef du commandement israélien du Nord, a déclaré: "La question est entre Israël et l'Etat libanais. Où attaquer? Une fois au Liban, tout est légal – pas seulement dans le sud du Liban, ni dans les postes du Hezbollah."(93)
2006 12 juillet Le cabinet israélien a promis qu'Israël "réagirait de manière agressive et sévère envers ceux qui mènent les actions d'aujourd'hui et en sont responsables".(94) La communication du cabinet indiquait notamment que "le gouvernement libanais était (était) responsable des actes commis sur son territoire".(94) Un colonel de l'armée israélienne à la retraite a expliqué que la raison de l'attaque était de diviser les partisans du Liban et du Hezbollah, exigeant un prix élevé de la part de l'élite à Beyrouth.(95)
16 juillet Le cabinet israélien a publié une communication expliquant qu'Israël était impliqué dans des opérations militaires à l'intérieur Liban, sa guerre n'était pas contre le gouvernement libanais. Le communiqué indique: "Israël ne combat pas le Liban, mais un élément de terrorisme dans ce pays, dirigé par Nasrallah et ses groupes, qui ont transformé le Liban en otages et ont créé des enclaves terroristes soutenues par la Syrie et l’Iran.(96)
Août Interrogé sur la proportionnalité de la réponse, le Premier ministre Olmert a déclaré: "La guerre a commencé non pas avec le meurtre de huit soldats israéliens et l’enlèvement de deux d'entre eux, mais également avec le lancement de Katyusha et d'autres missiles dans les villes du nord d'Israël, ce matin. Il a ajouté qu '"aucun pays européen n'aurait réagi aussi modestement qu'Israël".(97)
Attaques aériennes et d'artillerie israéliennes
Le premier jour de la guerre, l'armée de l'air, l'artillerie et la marine israéliennes ont mené plus de 100 attaques, principalement contre les bases du Hezbollah dans le sud du Liban, y compris le quartier général régional de Jatar. Cinq ponts sur les rivières Litani et Zahrani auraient également été détruits pour empêcher le Hezbollah de déplacer les soldats enlevés vers le nord.(98)
Les attaques terrestres, maritimes et aériennes se sont poursuivies les autres jours. Les cibles comprennent le siège du Hezbollah dans la banlieue sud de Beyrouth, ainsi que les bureaux et les maisons de direction, la chaîne de télévision Al-Nour al-Manar et les pistes et les réserves de carburant de Rafic Hariri. Aéroport international de Beyrouth. Les bases du Hezbollah, les dépôts d’armes et les ouvrages collatéraux, ainsi que les ponts, les routes et les stations-service du sud du Liban ont également été pris pour cibles.(99)(100) 44 civils ont été tués tout au long de la journée.(2)
Il a ensuite été annoncé que l'armée de l'air israélienne partirait après le 13 juillet. Midnight a attaqué et détruit 59 lance-roquettes Fajr à moyenne portée toujours en mouvement, disséminés dans l'avion sud du Liban. Densité de fonctionnement soi-disant, cela ne prit que 34 minutes, mais c’est le résultat de six années de collecte et de planification du renseignement. Les FDI ont estimé qu'entre la moitié et les deux tiers des missiles de moyenne portée du Hezbollah avaient été détruits. Les journalistes israéliens Amos Harel et Avi Issacharoff ont déclaré que l'opération était "l'action militaire la plus spectaculaire d'Israël" et "un coup dévastateur pour le Hezbollah". Dans les prochains jours, l'IAF aurait également attaqué et détruit une grande partie de la fusée à longue portée Zelzal-2 du Hezbollah.(101)
"Tous les missiles à longue portée ont été détruits", aurait déclaré le chef d'état-major Halutz au gouvernement israélien, "et nous avons gagné la guerre".(102)
Selon l'analyste militaire William Arkin, il y a "peu de preuves" que l'armée de l'air israélienne a même tenté, sans succès, de détruire les capacités de missiles à moyenne et longue portée dans les premiers jours de la guerre. Il a rejeté l'action dans son ensemble comme étant "absurde" et "conte de fées".(103) Cependant, Benjamin Lambeth a insisté sur le fait que "les déclarations des dirigeants israéliens faisant autorité" seraient sans fondement. Il a toutefois reconnu qu'il existait une "incertitude persistante" sur les "faits et chiffres peu connus" entourant les attaques présumées.(104) Anthony Cordesman a estimé que l'IAF avait probablement détruit la plupart des missiles à longue et moyenne portée au cours des deux premiers jours de la guerre, mais a admis que ces affirmations n'étaient "jamais confirmées ni pleinement décrites".(105)
Le Hezbollah est resté longtemps silencieux sur cet épisode de guerre. A l'occasion du sixième anniversaire de la guerre libanaise, le président du Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, a déclaré que le Hezbollah savait que les Israéliens rassemblaient des informations sur les lanceurs et les plates-formes de roquettes et qu'ils pourraient les déplacer avant leur découverte. En conséquence, la plupart des lieux attaqués par l'armée de l'air israélienne étaient vides.(106)
Des responsables américains ont affirmé que les Israéliens avaient surestimé l'efficacité de la guerre aérienne contre le Hezbollah et évoqué l'échec de tout dirigeant du Hezbollah dans la frappe, malgré la chute de 23 tonnes de bombes sur un bunker présumé situé à son siège.(107) La télévision Al-Manar était toujours sans air pendant deux minutes après l’impact. La chaîne de télévision a été bombardée 15 fois pendant la guerre, mais ne s'est pas effondrée une fois après le premier hoquet.(108)
Au cours de la guerre, l’armée de l’air israélienne a effectué 11 897 missions de combat, soit plus que le nombre de soldats en 1973. La guerre d’octobre (11 223) et presque deux fois plus pendant la guerre de 1982. La première guerre du Liban (6.052).(109)
L'artillerie israélienne a tiré 170 000 projectiles, soit plus de deux fois plus qu'en 1973. Octobre(110) Un officier supérieur du corps blindé des FDI a déclaré Haaretz il serait surpris s'il s'avère que pas moins de cinq combattants du Hezbollah ont été tués dans 170 000 projectiles.(111)
La marine israélienne a tiré 2 500 projectiles.(112)
L'effet combiné des bombardements aériens et d'artillerie sur la capacité du Hezbollah à tirer des missiles Katyusha à courte portée dans le nord d'Israël a été très limité. Selon les conclusions de recherches militaires d'après-guerre, les FDI n'ont été tuées qu'après avoir tué environ 100 des 12 000 lanceurs Katyusha. Les tirs massifs de la fin de la guerre ont provoqué une grave pénurie de munitions.(113)
Avant la guerre, les dirigeants de l'armée du Nord avaient dressé une liste des cibles possibles du Hezbollah identifiées par les services de renseignement israéliens à frapper en cas de reprise des hostilités. Au quatrième jour de la guerre, l’armée israélienne n’a plus tiré de cible, les 83 cibles figurant sur la liste ayant déjà été touchées.(114) Un haut responsable de Tsahal a annoncé à la presse que le chef d'état-major israélien, Dan Halutz, avait ordonné à l'armée de l'air de détruire dix bâtiments de douze étages dans la banlieue sud de Beyrouth pour chaque roquette larguée sur Haïfa. Un porte-parole de Tsahal a nié cette déclaration.(115)
Cependant, une grande partie de l'infrastructure civile libanaise a été détruite, notamment: 400 milles (640 km) routes, 73 ponts et 31 autres cibles telles que l'aéroport international Rafic Hariri de Beyrouth, des ports, des stations de traitement de l'eau et des eaux usées, des installations électriques, 25 stations-service, 900 bâtiments commerciaux, jusqu'à 350 écoles, 2 hôpitaux et 15 000 logements. 130 000 autres habitations ont été endommagées.(116)(117)(118)(119)
Attaques de missiles du Hezbollah
16 juillet Huit travailleurs des chemins de fer israéliens ont été tués dans des frappes directes à la roquette dans un dépôt ferroviaire à Haïfa.(51) Le dirigeant du Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, a défendu ces attaques, affirmant que le Hezbollah avait initialement lancé ses missiles sur "des cibles militaires uniquement". Mais parce qu'il a dit qu'Israël bombardait systématiquement des cibles civiles, il a pensé que le Hezbollah n'avait d'autre choix que de réagir de la sorte et de cibler les villes israéliennes.(120)
L’attaque du dépôt de Haïfa n’était pas la première cible de civils attaquée par le Hezbollah. Des civils dans les communautés frontalières ont été blessés lors des tirs initiaux de positions des FDI lors d'un raid transfrontalier. 14 juillet Deux civils israéliens ont été tués lors d'une attaque près de la base aérienne près du mont Meron. Les missiles du Hezbollah n'étant pas très précis, il est difficile de savoir si les civils visaient intentionnellement ces attaques. Après l'attaque de Haïfa, le Hezbollah n'a pas tenté de couvrir ce fait. Selon une étude de Human Rights Watch, des cibles civiles israéliennes ont été citées à quatre reprises dans les communications officielles du Hezbollah en temps de guerre, de même que des cibles militaires.(121)
Le Hezbollah al-Manar a mis en garde les communautés israéliennes en arabe et en hébreu contre de futures attaques à l'aide de missiles.(122) De même, le Hezbollah a envoyé des SMS pour avertir les Israéliens d’évacuer leur domicile afin d’empêcher qu’ils ne soient frappés par des attaques à la roquette.(123)
Israël a publié une carte de gamme d'un lanceur de roquettes Grad, apparemment supérieur, à l'extérieur de la colonie de Shijon, dans l'ouest du Liban, publiée par le département d'artillerie d'élite du Hezbollah, du Nezr. Cette liste comprenait 91 cibles, dont 56 civils et 27 postes ou bases des FDI. Les cibles militaires portaient un numéro de référence à trois chiffres et les cibles civiles, un numéro à deux chiffres.(124)
Pendant la guerre, les forces de missiles du Hezbollah ont tiré entre 3 970 et 4 228 missiles à raison de plus de 100 par jour, sans précédent depuis la guerre Iran-Irak.(125)(126) Environ 95% d'entre elles étaient des roquettes d'artillerie Katyusha de 122 mm (4,8 pouces) pouvant transporter jusqu'à 30 kg d'ogives et peser jusqu'à 30 km (19 milles).(126)(127) On estime que 23% de ces missiles ont touché des villes et des zones bâties dans le nord d'Israël, le reste frappant des zones ouvertes.(112)(125)(126)
Les villes touchées étaient Haïfa, Hadera, Nazareth, Tibériade, Nahariya, Safed, Shaghour, Afula, Kiryat Shmona, Beit She, Karmiel, Acre et Ma-al-Tarshiha, ainsi que des dizaines de villes, kibboutzim, moshavim et villages de druzes et israéliens et arabes. Le nord de la Cisjordanie a également été touché.(112)(125)(126)(128)(129)(130)(131)
Le ministre israélien de la Défense, Amir Peretz, a ordonné aux commandants de préparer des plans de défense civile. Un million d’Israéliens ont dû s’installer dans ou à proximité d’abris ou de salles de sécurité, et quelque 250 000 civils ont été évacués du nord et transférés dans d’autres régions du pays.(126)
Suite à l'afflux massif de civils libanais lors de la frappe aérienne de Qana, Israël a annoncé le gel unilatéral de ses frappes aériennes au Liban. Le Hezbollah a ensuite mis fin à ses propres attaques à la roquette contre Israël. Quand Israël a repris ses frappes aériennes au Liban, le Hezbollah a emboîté le pas et recommandé des attaques à la roquette contre des cibles israéliennes.(132)
Les attaques à la roquette du Hezbollah ont également visé des cibles militaires en Israël et ont été couronnées de succès. La censure de l'armée israélienne était cependant très sévère et interdisait explicitement aux médias israéliens de rendre compte de tels événements. L’Instruction militaire a déclaré aux médias que "le censeur militaire n’approuvera pas les informations selon lesquelles des tirs de roquettes auraient eu lieu sur des bases de l’armée israélienne ou des objets stratégiques".(133) L'exception notable était le 6 août. Attaque de missiles contre la communauté frontalière de Kfar Giladi par une compagnie de réservistes de l'armée israélienne rassemblée qui a tué 12 soldats et en a blessé plusieurs autres. Initialement, Israël n'a pas confirmé que les victimes étaient des militaires, mais l'a finalement regretté.
6 août La roquette du Hezbollah a tué deux femmes arabes âgées à Haïfa, et l'homme arabe a été mortellement blessé.(51) Le lendemain du dirigeant du Hezbollah, Nasrallah a appelé la communauté arabe de Haïfa à quitter la ville pour ne pas être blessée.(134)
Suite à la réponse initiale d'Israël, le Hezbollah a lancé un avertissement militaire. Le Hezbollah aurait eu 13 000 roquettes au début du conflit.(135) Journal israélien Haaretz a décrit le Hezbollah comme une infanterie formée, compétente, bien organisée et très motivée, dotée d'un armement moderne issu des arsenaux de la Syrie, de l'Iran, de la Russie et de la Chine.(136) La chaîne de télévision par satellite Al-Manar du Hezbollah a annoncé que les attaques avaient inclus Fajr-3 et Ra 1 ad, deux roquettes à combustible liquide conçues par l'Iran.(137)(138)(139)
Guerre de la terre
Le Hezbollah a participé à la guerre de guérilla avec les forces terrestres de Tsahal, a combattu depuis des positions bien établies, souvent dans des zones urbaines, et a attaqué de petites unités bien armées. Les combattants du Hezbollah étaient hautement qualifiés et munis de vestes, de lunettes de vision nocturne, de matériel de communication et parfois d'uniformes et de matériel israéliens. Un soldat israélien impliqué dans la guerre a déclaré que les activistes du Hezbollah n'étaient "ni le Hamas ni les Palestiniens". Ils sont formés et hautement qualifiés. Nous étions tous un peu surpris.(140)
Travaillant avec les FDI, le Hezbollah s'est concentré sur les pertes subies par les FDI, estimant que la réticence à absorber des pertes permanentes était une faiblesse stratégique pour Israël.(141)
Le Hezbollah a combattu l'armure des FDI à l'aide de missiles antichars sophistiqués de fabrication russe. Selon l'administration du programme de chars Merkava, 52 chars de combat principaux ont été détruits (dont 45 différents types d'ATGM), des missiles ont pénétré dans 22 chars, mais seulement 5 chars ont été détruits, dont un avec un engin explosif improvisé (IED). . Les réservoirs Merkava qui ont été pénétrés étaient principalement des modèles Mark II et Mark III, mais cinq Mark IV ont également été pénétrés. Tous ces chars sauf deux ont été reconstruits et remis en service.(112)
Les FDI se sont déclarées satisfaites des performances du Merkava Mark IV pendant la guerre. Le Hezbollah a fait davantage de victimes en utilisant des ATGM pour faire s'effondrer des bâtiments sur des troupes israéliennes qui se sont abritées à l'intérieur.(112) En conséquence, les unités de Tsahal ne se sont pas attardées dans une zone donnée pendant une période prolongée.(140) Les combattants du Hezbollah ont souvent utilisé des tunnels pour sortir rapidement, lancer un missile antichar, puis disparaître à nouveau.(140)
Le 19 juillet, une force de l'unité des forces spéciales de Maglan saisie par une pirogue fortifiée du Hezbollah adjacente au poste de Shaked; two IDF soldiers and five Hezbollah operatives were killed in the battle.(142)
Position of Lebanon
While the Israeli government initially held the Lebanese government responsible for the Hezbollah attacks due to Lebanon's failure to implement United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559 and disarm Hezbollah, Lebanon disavowed the raids, stating that the government of Lebanon did not condone them, and pointing out that Israel had a long history of disregarding UN resolutions.(87)
In interviews, Lebanese President Emile Lahoud criticized Israel's attacks and was supportive of Hezbollah, noting Hezbollah's role in ending Israel's previous occupation of southern Lebanon.(143)(144) On 12 July 2006, PBS interviewed the Lebanese ambassador Farid Abboud to the United States and his Israeli counterpart. The interview discussed Hezbollah's connection to the Lebanese government.(145)
Israel never declared war on Lebanon,(146)(147) and said it only attacked Lebanese governmental institutions which it suspected of being used by Hezbollah.(148) The Lebanese government played a role in shaping the conflict. On 14 July 2006, the office of Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora issued a statement that called on US President George W. Bush to exert all his efforts on Israel to stop its attacks in Lebanon and reach a comprehensive ceasefire.(149) In a televised speech the next day, Siniora called for "an immediate ceasefire backed by the United Nations."(un devis est requis)
A US-French draft resolution that was influenced by the Lebanese Siniora Plan and which contained provisions for Israeli withdrawal, military actions, and mutual prisoner release was rejected by the US and Israel. Many Lebanese accused the US government of stalling the ceasefire resolution and of support of Israel's attacks. In a poll conducted two weeks into the conflict, only 8% of the respondents felt that the US would support Lebanon, while 87% supported Hezbollah's fight against Israel.(150) After the attack on Qana, Siniora snubbed US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice by cancelling a meeting with her and thanked Hezbollah for its "sacrifices for the independence and sovereignty of Lebanon."(151)
During the war, the Lebanese Armed Forces did not engage in direct hostilities, but threatened retaliation if IDF troops pushed too far northward into Lebanon. In several instances, Lebanese troops fired anti-aircraft weapons at Israeli aircraft and attempted to disrupt landing operations.(152) During the first days of the war, Lebanese Defense Minister Elias Murr said that "the Lebanese army will resist and defend the country. If there is an invasion of Lebanon, we are waiting for them." However, the Lebanese Army mostly stayed out of the fighting. According to a Time editorial, "to have stood up to the advancing Israeli armored columns would have been suicidal."(153) On 7 August 2006, the 7-point plan was extended to include the deployment of 15,000 Lebanese Army troops to fill the void between an Israeli withdrawal and UNIFIL deployment.(154)
Terms for a ceasefire had been drawn and revised several times over the course of the conflict, yet successful agreement between the two sides took several weeks. Hezbollah maintained the desire for an unconditional ceasefire,(155) while Israel insisted upon a conditional ceasefire, including the return of the two seized soldiers.(156) Lebanon frequently pleaded for the United Nations Security Council to call for an immediate, unconditional ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. John Bolton confirmed that the US and UK, with support from several Arab leaders, delayed the ceasefire process. Outsider efforts to interfere with a ceasefire only ended when it became apparent Hezbollah would not be easily defeated.(157)
On 11 August 2006 the United Nations Security Council unanimously approved UN Security Council Resolution 1701, in an effort to end the hostilities. It was accepted by the Lebanese government and Hezbollah on 12 August 2006, and by the Israeli government on 13 August 2006. The ceasefire took effect at 8:00 AM (5:00 AM GMT) on 14 August 2006.(158)
Before the ceasefire, the two Hezbollah members of cabinet said that their militia would not disarm south of the Litani River, according to another senior member of the Lebanese cabinet,(85) while a top Hezbollah official similarly denied any intention of disarming in the south. Israel said it would stop withdrawing from Southern Lebanon if Lebanese troops were not deployed there within a matter of days.(159)
Cluster and phosphorus munitions
Both sides used cluster bombs during the conflict. Israel fired 4.6 million submunitions into dozens of towns and villages in southern Lebanon in 962 separate strikes, circa 90% within the final 72 hours of the war, when the conflict already had been largely resolved by UN Security Council Resolution 1701.(160) Entire towns were covered in cluster bombs. The unguided and imprecise rockets were fired from mobile rocket launching platforms. To compensate for the inaccuracy of the rockets, the areas were flooded with munitions.(161) Israel claimed to have warned civilians prior to a strike, and that firing was limited to open areas or military targets inside urban areas.(162) Israel used advanced cluster munitions produced by Israel Military Industries, and large numbers of older cluster bombs, some produced in the 1970s, purchased from aging American stockpiles. These were fired by multiple rocket launchers, 155mm artillery guns, and dropped by aircraft. As many as 1 million submunitions failed to explode on impact, lingering as land mines that killed or maimed almost 200 people since the war ended.(163) As of 2011(update), munitions were still causing casualties and being cleared by volunteers.(164)
Hezbollah fired 4,407 submunitions into civilian-populated areas of northern Israel in 113 separate strikes, using Chinese made Type-81 122mm rockets, and Type-90 submunitions. These attacks killed one civilian and wounded twelve.(165)
According to Human Rights Watch, in the last 72 hours of the war, the Israeli army flooded the region with cluster bombs.(160) Human Rights Watch "found that the IDF's use of cluster munitions was both indiscriminate and disproportionate, in violation of IHL, and in some locations possibly a war crime" because "the vast majority (were dropped) over the final three days when Israel knew a settlement was imminent."(160) After the ceasefire, parts of southern Lebanon remained uninhabitable due to Israeli unexploded cluster bomblets.(166)
Also phosphorus shells were used by the IDF to attack civilian areas in Lebanon.(167) The shells were originally designed to generate a smoke screen in a battlefield situation, but white phosphor is also especially harmful to humans because its burning will continue inside the flesh. The shelling was investigated as a violation of international law.(168)
During the war, the IAF dropped 17,000 leaflets over Lebanon in 47 missions, and sent more than 700,000 computerized voice messages. Many of them contained caricatures of Hassan Nasrallah and Hezbollah leading Lebanon to ruin and making civilians suffer, showing them as puppets of Iran and Syria, and calling on civilians to help remove Hezbollah. Another leaflet addressing Hezbollah fighters told them that they were lied to by their leaders, that they were "sent like sheep to be butchered, lacking military training and without proper combat gear", that they could not hope to face "highly trained soldiers that fight to protect their homeland, their people, and their home", referring to them as "mercenaries" without the support of the Lebanese public, and urging them to run and save their lives. On 26 July, Israel dropped leaflets containing illustrations of nine tombstones with the name of a dead Hezbollah fighter on each one, in response to Nasrallah "deceiving" people on the amount of Hezbollah casualties. Another leaflet urged Hezbollah fighters to stop bleeding and fighting for Nasrallah, who sat safe in a bunker, to stop fighting against Lebanese national interests, and to return to their homes and families. On 11 August, Israel dropped leaflets accusing Hezbollah of hiding its "great losses", and containing the names of 90–100 Hezbollah fighters killed. Israeli technicians also hacked into Al-Manar and broadcast clips, criticizing Nasrallah, showing the bodies of Hezbollah fighters, footage from Israeli raids and airstrikes, and captured Hezbollah equipment.(169)
Casualties and damage
Lebanese civilians and combatants
The Lebanese civilian death toll is difficult to pinpoint as most published figures, including those released by the Lebanese government, do not distinguish between civilians and Hezbollah combatants.(24) In addition, Hezbollah fighters can be difficult to identify as many do not wear military uniforms.(24) However, it has been widely reported that the majority of the Lebanese killed were civilians, and UNICEF estimated that 30% of Lebanese killed were children under the age of 13.(170)
The Lebanese top police office and the Lebanon Ministry of Health, citing hospitals, death certificates, local authorities, and eye witnesses, put the death toll at 1,123—37 soldiers and police officers, 894 identified victims, and 192 unidentified ones.(24) The Lebanon Higher Relief Council (HRC) put the Lebanese death toll at 1,191,(50) citing the health ministry and police, as well as other state agencies.(24) The Associated Press estimated the figure at 1,035.(24) In February 2007, the Los Angeles Times reported that at least 800 Lebanese had died during fighting,(171) and other articles have estimated the figure to be at least 850.(172)(173) Encarta states that "estimates … varied from about 850 to 1,200" in its entry on Israel,(174) while giving a figure of "more than 1,200" in its entry on Lebanon.(175) The Lebanon Higher Relief Council estimated the number of Lebanese injured to be 4,409,(50) 15% of whom were permanently disabled.(176)
The death toll estimates do not include Lebanese killed since the end of fighting by land mines or unexploded Israeli cluster bombs.(24) Between the end of the war and November 2008, approximately 40 people were killed and over 270 injured by cluster bombs.(177)
Hezbollah and other militias
During the war Hezbollah kept a firm lid on its casualties. Although it did announce casualty numbers in some of the clashes, the party did not publish a comprehensive estimate for the duration of the war. A tally made by Associated Press counted to 70 dead Hezbollah fighters officially acknowledged by party during the war.(20)
On 6 August Haaretz reported the IDF placing the number of Hezbollah fighters killed at 400, but added that "armies fighting guerrilla forces tend to exaggerate the fatalities of the enemy".(178) Matt M. Matthews military historian at United States Army Combined Arms Center, also described these figures as "highly exaggerated" because he asserts that Hezbollah suffered only 187 casualties.(179)
A 4 August 2006 Daily Telegraph article by Con Coughlin, referring to estimates by Lebanese officials, said that up to 500 Hezbollah fighters had been killed and 1,500 wounded. According to the article, many of Hezbollah's wounded were secretly evacuated to hospitals in Syria through the Al-Arissa Border Crossing. A later article by the Daily Telegraph said that funerals of fallen Hezbollah fighters were "staggered" and were interred without ceremony for re-burial later. Coughlin quoted a senior Lebanese security official as saying that "Hizbollah is desperate to conceal its casualties because it wants to give the impression that it is winning its war. People might reach a very different conclusion if they knew the true extent of Hizbollah's casualties." According to the article, Hezbollah's operational council had drawn up casualty lists to be sent to Iran, as the Iranian government compensated the families of Hezbollah's dead, and that Hezbollah had pressured Lebanese newspapers that had obtained copies not to publish them.(180)(181) Historian John Keegan wrote in an op-ed that "perhaps as many as 1,000" Hezbollah fighters were killed.(182) A Stratfor report cited "sources in Lebanon" as estimating the Hezbollah death toll at "more than 700 fighters with many more to go",(183) Intelligence analysts Alastair Crooke and Mark Perry reported a few months after the war a total of 184 "Shiite martyr funerals" having been held in Lebanon since the war. They considered this number an indication of Hezbollah fatalities but warned that it could be revised upward in the future.(184)
IDF Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov Amidror said that IDF had identified the names of 440 members of Hezbollah who were killed in the war. Based on this number he estimated that the total amounted killed in the war to between 500 and 700.(185) Later, Israel claimed to have identified 532 dead Hezbollah fighters and estimated that an additional 200 were killed.(186)
Four months after the end of the war the deputy chairman of the Hezbollah Political Council Mahmoud Qomati substantially raised the official estimate of the number of Hezbollah fatalities. He now claimed that 250 fighters had been killed in the war.(20)(187) Israel meanwhile also backed down from its war-time estimates. Instead of the 800 Hezbollah fatalities said during the war, Israeli government spokesperson Miri Eisin in December revised that estimate, saying, "We think that it's closer to 600."(187) Three years after the outbreak of war the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs published a summary of the war which concluded that over 600 Hezbollah fighters were killed in the war.(188)
Hezbollah claimed that many of Hezbollah's dead were local village fighters rather than regulars. However, according to one analyst, who noted that general estimates place Hezbollah's losses at around 500–600 fighters out of a regular fighting force of 2,000, "this was mainly party propaganda attempting to put a brave face on what was by any measure a major blow to the resistance," and claimed that Hezbollah subsequently went on a recruitment drive to replace its losses.(189)
Selon Yedioth Ahronoth "Encyclopedia" of the Second Lebanon War, the main reason for the discrepancy between Lebanese and Israeli estimates of the number of Hezbollah fatalities during the war (700 and 300 respectively) was that the former included only Hezbollah kovotojai while the latter also included civilian members of Hezbollah.(190) The NGO Human Rights Watch argued that in 94 IDF air, artillery, and ground attacks during the war that claimed the lives of 561 persons, that only 51 of these were combatants and about half of them were women or children.(191) HRW said it documented the identities of another 548 fatalities, bringing the total of identified Lebanese deaths in the war to 1109. It argued (as an extrapolation from those 94 attacks) that an estimated 250 of these were Hezbollah combatants and the remaining 860 were civilians.(192)
The Amal movement, a Shiite militia that fought alongside Hezbollah, suffered 17 dead. Armed elements of the Lebanese Communist Party suffered 12 dead. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, a Palestinian militia, lost two fighters in an Israeli air raid.(2) There are also unconfirmed reports that a number of Iranian Revolutionary Guard soldiers were killed in the fighting.(26)(27)(193) A statement issued by the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs after the war detailed what it termed "Iranian complicity" in the Lebanese crisis, which included training and supplying Hezbollah forces.(194)
Hezbollah General-Secretary Hassan Nasrallah said in an interview with New TV August shortly after the war that between 10 and 12 Hezbollah commanders were killed in the war. None of the first or second levels of the leadership were harmed. Three commanders of the third level however were killed; an operations officer in the Bint Jbeil axis, a logistics officer and a third commander involved in the military side of the party. In addition three or four town commanders and four or five village commanders were killed in the war.(195)
Nasrallah did not mention any names but some of these were subsequently identified. Squad leader Muhammad Dimashq (nome de guerre: Jawad Ayta) was shot 21 July, by an Israeli sniper in the battle of Maroun ar-Ras.(196) Two Hezbollah commanders were killed in an Israeli air strike in the Old City of Bint Jbeil July, 29. Khalid Bazzi (nome de guerre: al-Hajj Qasim) was chief of operations in the Bint Jbeil area, including Maroun al-Ras, Aynata, Aytaroun and Bint Jbeil, while Muhammad Abu Ta'am was commander of the forces in the town itself. Both had taken part in the abduction of the two Israeli soldiers that had started the war.(197) On the last day of the war, Muhammad Qansuh (nome de guerre: Sajid ad-Duwayr), a special force commander and Bazzi’s successor as Bint Jbeil commander, was killed in another air raid on Bint Jbeil.(198)(199) According to the IDF, he was in fact killed in an airstrike on the Dahiya district of Beirut.(200)
Two Hezbollah commanders were killed in battles around Wadi Hujeir/Wadi Sulouqi. Rani Adnan Bazzi died in hand-to-hand combat, together with seven of his men, in the strategic town of al-Ghandouriya, controlling the strategic wadi crossing. A further three fighters were wounded in the battle and one of them were taken prisoner by the IDF.(201) Commander Ali Mahmoud Salih (nome de guerre: Bilal) fought singlehandedly further up the wadi, firing ATGM rockets at the advancing Israeli tanks. In the end he was severely wounded by a drone strike and died some time later from his wounds.
Lebanese Armed Forces
Though rarely engaged in combat, 43 Lebanese soldiers and policemen were killed.(2)
|Israeli civilians killed by Hezbollah rocket attacks, 12 July – 13 August 2006 (black)
vs. the ethnic composition at the North of Israel (pink).(203)
Hezbollah rockets and mortars killed 44 Israeli civilians during the conflict, including a severely wounded Haifa resident who died from his wounds more than a year after the war. In addition four elderly died of heart attacks during rocket attacks.(204) At least 19 of the 46 Israeli civilians killed by Hezbollah rockets and mortars were Israeli Arabs (mainly Sunni Muslims).(205)(206) The last civilian victim was an Israeli-Arab man who died on 30 August 2007, from injuries sustained in a rocket attack on Haifa.(207) In addition, 4,262 civilians were injured–33 seriously wounded, 68 moderately, 1,388 lightly, and 2,773 suffered from shock and anxiety.(51) According to Human Rights Watch, "These bombs may have killed 'only' 43 civilians, but that says more about the availability of warning systems and bomb shelters throughout most of Northern Israel and the evacuation of more than 350,000 people than it does about Hezbollah's intentions."(208)
Israel Defense Forces
A total of 121 IDF soldiers were killed in the war, including the two soldiers who were seized in the cross-border raid that started the war. Their fates were not confirmed until their bodies were exchanged for Lebanese prisoners in 2008.(51)(204)
Matériel losses in the Israeli Defense Forces accounted for 5(209) to 20(210) tanks depending in the source. 3 helicopters were lost to accidents and 1 to Hezbollah missile fire. 1 Fixed wing F-16 was lost during take off.(211)(212)(213) 5 tanks were damaged beyond repair ('lasting vehicle kills'), 22 tanks received armor penetrations, and 52 tanks suffered some form of damage.(214)(215) other sources claim 20 main battle tanks destroyed (6 to mines, 14 to anti tanks guided missiles- all Merkava II,III or IV).(210)
In July 14, a Hezbollah operated C-802 anti-ship missile struck an Israeli Navy gunship killing 4 sailors and damaging the warship.(217)
INS Hanit was damaged on the waterline, under the aft superstructure(218)(219) by a missile (likely a Chinese-designed C-802(220)) fired by Hezbollah that reportedly set the flight deck on fire and crippled the propulsion systems inside the hull.(221) However, INS Hanit stayed afloat, withdrew and made the rest of the journey back to Ashdod port for repairs under its own power.(222) Four crew members were killed during the attack: Staff Sergeant Tal Amgar, Corporal Shai Atas, Sergeant Yaniv Hershkovitz, and First Sergeant Dov Steinshuss.(223)
4 United Nations Military Observers were killed and several more wounded.
Environmental and archeological damage
On 13 July 2006, and again on 15 July 2006, the Israeli Air Force bombed the Jiyeh power station, 30 km (19 mi) south of Beirut, resulting in the largest ever oil spill in the Mediterranean Sea.(224) The plant's damaged storage tanks leaked an estimated 12,000 to 15,000 tonnes (more than 4 million gallons) of oil into the eastern Mediterranean.(224)(225) A 10 km (6 mi) wide oil slick covered 170 km (105 statute miles) of coastline,(226)(227) and threatened Turkey and Cyprus. The slick killed fish including the Atlantic bluefin tuna, a species already nearing extinction in the Mediterranean, and threatened the habitat of the endangered green sea turtle.(228) It also potentially increased the risk of cancer in humans. An additional 25,000 tons of oil burned at the power station, creating a "toxic cloud" that rained oil downwind.(224) The Lebanese government estimated it would take 10 years to recover from the damage of the strike. The UN estimated the cost for the initial clean-up at $64 million.(52)
Hezbollah rocket attacks caused numerous forest fires inside northern Israel, particularly on the Naftali mountain range near Kiryat Shmona.(229) As many as 16,500 acres (67 km²) of land, including forests and grazing fields, were destroyed by Hezbollah rockets.(230) The Jewish National Fund estimated that it would take 50 to 60 years to rehabilitate the forests.(231)
Israeli bombing also caused significant damage to the world heritage sites of Tyre and Byblos. In Tyre a Roman tomb was damaged and a fresco near the centre of the site collapsed. In Byblos, a medieval tower was damaged and Venetian period remains near the harbour were dramatically stained by the oil slick and were considered to be difficult to clean. Damage was also caused to remains at Bint Jbeil and Chamaa, and to the Temple of Bacchus in Baalbek.(232)(233)(234)(235)
Damage to various industries occurred during the war. This includes the country's largest dairy farm Liban Lait in the Bekka area, the Maliban Glassworks in Tannayel, Dalal Industries (a factory which produces prefabricated homes),(236) a dealership for Procter & Gamble,(237) two electricity transformers in south Lebanon cutting off power to the city of Tyre(238) and fuel tanks of an oil-fired power station in Jiyeh.(239) A report from the Lebanese Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR) said that the IDF bombing campaign had destroyed more than 900 small and medium enterprises with damage to Lebanon's civilian infrastructure estimated close to $2.5 billion US. The material damage to the private sector was estimated at $200 million with an anticipated increase in that figure due to cancelled contracts.(240)
Other repair and rebuilding costs resulting from the bombing include power supplies ($208m), telecoms ($99m), water ($74m) and military installations ($16m). The Lebanese national airline, MEA, had also been grounded for the duration of the conflict. Agricultural activity, particularly in south Lebanon, was abandoned due to the fighting and bombing of the irrigation system.(241) Tourism, which accounts for 15% of Lebanon's GDP, has been severely disrupted by the conflict. Damage to communal and business infrastructure, the Israeli-imposed sea and air blockade and continued instability is preventing and deterring tourists. Foreign visitors had been expected to bring in $2.5 to $3 billion US during 2006.(241)
IDF bombing has damaged irrigation canals, open water channels, and underground water diversion pipes which run Litani River water to more than 10,000 acres (40 km²) of farmland, villages in southern Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley. These attacks have been criticised as an attempt to "lay claim to Lebanon's prime watersheds". Attacks on the Litani Dam were also criticised. Israeli officials explained the damage to the water infrastructures was unintentional and collateral to attacks on roads and bridges used by Hezbollah.(242)
The international journalists' representative body, Reporters without Borders, reported that, to its knowledge, the IDF had damaged transmitting equipment in the Satka area of Beirut and reduced the premises of Al Manar to ruins.(243) The IDF contend that the Al-Manar TV facilities which they bombed represent the propaganda arm of Hezbollah and were a legitimate target for the IDF military. Reporters Without Borders disputes this saying that the station "cannot be viewed as (a) military" target.(244) A statement issued by the Israeli Foreign Ministry read: "The Al-Manar station has for many years served as the main tool for propaganda and incitement by Hezbollah, and has also helped the organization recruit people into its ranks.”(243) The Committee to Protect Journalists responded by saying: "While Al-Manar may serve a propaganda function for Hezbollah, it does not appear based on a monitoring of its broadcasts today to be serving any discernible military function".(243)
International action and reaction
The governments of the United States,(245) United Kingdom, Germany,(246) Australia, and Canada asserted Israel's right to self-defense. The United States government further responded by authorizing Israel's request for expedited shipment of precision-guided bombs, but did not announce the decision publicly.(247) United States President George W. Bush said he thought the conflict was part of the "War on Terrorism".(248)(249) On 20 July 2006, the United States Congress voted overwhelmingly to support Israel's "right to defend itself".(250)
Among neighboring Middle Eastern nations, Iran, Syria, and Yemen voiced strong support for Hezbollah, while the Arab League, Egypt, and Jordan issued statements criticizing Hezbollah's actions(251) and declaring support for Lebanon.(252) Saudi Arabia found Hezbollah entirely responsible.(253) Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Iraq, the Palestinian Authority, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain agreed with the Saudi stance that Hezbollah's actions were "unexpected, inappropriate and irresponsible acts."(252)
Many worldwide protests and demonstrations appealed for an immediate ceasefire on both sides and expressed concern for the heavy loss of civilian life on all sides. Other demonstrations were held exclusively in favor of Lebanon or Israel. Numerous newspaper advertising campaigns, SMS and email appeals, and online petitions also occurred.(254)(255)
Various foreign governments assisted the evacuation of their citizens from Lebanon.(256)
Allegations, accusations and reports of war crimes
Under international humanitarian law, warring parties are obliged to distinguish between combatants and civilians, ensure that attacks on legitimate military targets are proportional, and guarantee that the military advantage of such attacks outweigh the possible harm done to civilians.(257) Violations of these laws are considered war crimes.
Various groups and individuals accused both Israel and Hezbollah of violations of these laws during the conflict, and warned of possible war crimes.(258) These allegations included intentional attacks on civilian populations or infrastructure, disproportionate or indiscriminate attacks, the use of human shields, and the use of prohibited weapons. No formal charges have been filed against either group.(259)
Amnesty International called on both Hezbollah and Israel to end attacks on civilian areas during the conflict,(260) and criticized attacks against civilian villages and infrastructure by Israel.(261) They also highlighted IDF use of white phosphorus shells in Lebanon.(161)(262)(263) Human Rights Watch accused both parties of failing to distinguish between civilians and combatants, violating the principle of distinction, and committing war crimes.(257)(264)(265) Peter Bouckaert, a senior emergencies researcher for Human Rights Watch, stated that Hezbollah was "directly targeting civilians … their aim is to kill Israeli civilians" and that Israel had not taken "the necessary precautions to distinguish between civilian and military targets."(266)(267) They criticized Hezbollah's use of unguided Katyusha rockets, and Israel's use of unreliable cluster bombs – both too close to civilians areas – suggesting that they may have deliberately targeted civilians.(257)(268) UN humanitarian chief Jan Egeland said Israel's response violated international humanitarian law, and criticized Hezbollah for "cowardly blending… among women and children."(269) He also called Israel's use of over 100,000 cluster bombs "immoral". According to Egeland, 90% of such bombs were launched by Israel in the last 3 days of combat, when it was known that a UN resolution was on its way.(270)
Israel said that it tried to avoid civilians, and had distributed leaflets calling on civilian residents to evacuate,(271) but that Hezbollah stored weapons in and fired from civilian areas, making those areas legitimate targets,(272) and used civilians as human shields.(273)(274)(275)(276) Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch found cases where Hezbollah did fire rockets from, and store weapons in, populated areas and deploy its forces among the civilian population; however, both say that is not conclusive evidence of the intent to use civilians as human shields.(272)(277)(278) HRW stated that "the IDF struck a large number of private homes of civilian Hezbollah members during the war, as well as various civilian Hezbollah-run institutions such as schools, welfare agencies, banks, shops and political offices."(279)(280) Although Israel maintained that the civilian infrastructure was "hijacked" by Hezbollah and used for military purposes,(281) but Amnesty International identified the destruction of entire civilian neighbourhoods and villages by Israeli forces, attacks on bridges with no apparent strategic value, and attacks on infrastructure indispensable to the survival of the civilian population,(261) and questioned whether the "military advantage anticipated from destroying" civilian infrastructure had been "measured against the likely effect on civilians."(282) They also stated that the Israeli actions suggested a "policy of punishing both the Lebanese government and the civilian population."(282)
Al-Jazeera reported at the time: "Foreign journalists based in Lebanon also reported that the Shia militia chose to fight from civilian areas and had on occasion prevented Lebanese civilians from fleeing conflict-hit areas of south Lebanon. Al-Manar, Hezbollah's satellite channel, also showed footage of Hezbollah firing rockets from civilian areas and produced animated graphics showing how Hezbollah fired rockets at Israeli cities from inside villages in southern Lebanon."
Images obtained by the Sunday Herald Sun show that "Hezbollah is waging war amid suburbia. The images … show Hezbollah using high-density residential areas as launch pads for rockets and heavy-calibre weapons. Dressed in civilian clothing so they can quickly disappear, the militants carrying automatic assault rifles and ride in on trucks mounted with cannon."(283)
Amnesty International stated, however, that the volume of civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure suggested that Israel was not just trying to target Hezbollah fighters. An AI spokesperson, Kate Gilmore, said that "(t)he pattern, scope and scale of the attacks makes Israel's claim that this was 'collateral damage', simply not credible".(284) "The evidence strongly suggests that the extensive destruction of power and water plants, as well as the transport infrastructure vital for food and other humanitarian relief, was deliberate and an integral part of a military strategy," Gilmore said.
On 24 July 2007, Haaretz reported that the official Israeli inquiry into the war "is to include the examination of claims that the IDF committed war crimes during last summer's fighting."(285)
A 6 September 2007 Human Rights Watch report found that most of the civilian deaths in Lebanon resulted from "indiscriminate Israeli airstrikes", and found that Israeli aircraft targeted vehicles carrying fleeing civilians.(286) In a statement issued before the report's release, the human rights organization said there was no basis to the Israeli government's claim that civilian casualties resulted from Hezbollah guerrillas using civilians as shields. Kenneth Roth, Human Rights Watch executive director, said there were only "rare" cases of Hezbollah operating in civilian villages. "To the contrary, once the war started, most Hizbollah(sic) military officials and even many political officials left the villages," he said. "Most Hizbollah(sic) military activity was conducted from prepared positions outside Lebanese villages in the hills and valleys around." Roth also noted that "Hezbollah fighters often didn't carry their weapons in the open or regularly wear military uniforms, which made them a hard target to identify. But this doesn't justify the IDF's failure to distinguish between civilians and combatants, and if in doubt to treat a person as a civilian, as the laws of war require."(287)
On its final report, issued on 30 January 2008, the Israeli government's Winograd Commission concluded that the Israel Defense Forces did not commit violations or war crimes, as alleged by the Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and other NGOs. The Commission claimed that the evidence shows that the Israel Defense Forces did not target civilians, in contrast to Hezbollah and to denunciations by NGOs, and explained that terms like "war crimes" are without basis.(288) This report also acknowledged that Israel used cluster bombs illegally, stating that "Israel must consider whether it wants to continue using cluster bombs in the future, because its current manner of employing them does not conform to international law."(289)
The 2007 report "'War to the Last Moment': The Israeli Media in the Second Lebanon War" by the Israeli media monitoring NGO Keshev (trans. "Awareness")(290) stated that the Israeli media "except for a few exceptional instances … covered the war in an almost entirely mobilized manner" serving more to support the goals of the Israeli government and IDF than to objectively report the news. "The media created a general atmosphere of complete and absolute support and justification of the war, and systematically suppressed questions that arose as early as the first day of fighting. … The criticism gradually increased toward the end of the war-as it became clearer that the IDF was not managing to win. But the general spirit of the war coverage, in the broad strategic sense, as utterly uncritical." Keshev's report documents a post-war memo from the Deputy CEO of Marketing for the Hebrew newspaper Maariv to Maariv employees which states, in part, that
|"||Even when we had problematic material related to the management of the war … we restrained ourselves. In a certain sense, we betrayed our role as journalists, but we did so because we took national, patriotic considerations into account and decided that in the event of war, and certainly a war which was not progressing as it should and was going awry, we were part of the Country; that it was permissible, and even required of us, to postpone disputes and criticism; and that we did not have to apologize, or to feel abashed, for our support and backing of the Army and the Government.(290)||”|
According to the report, "significant coverage of the decision-making process was almost entirely absent in Israel's media" at the beginning of the war and reports on the status of Israelis living in the North who did not receive proper governmental support were marginalized. Further, the report states that the media unreasonably centered on the question of the loyalties of Arab-Israelis in the North instead of focusing on inadequate provision of services by the state. The report acknowledges that the Israeli media reported on Lebanese suffering, But states that it divorced the suffering from the IDF operations causing it. Finally, with regard to diplomacy, Israeli media buried the stories on negotiations to reflect the derision held by decision-makers toward a diplomatic solution.(290)
On 18 July 2006 Hezbollah Press Officer Hussein Nabulsi took CNN's Nic Robertson on an exclusive tour of southern Beirut. Robertson noted that despite his minder's anxiety about explosions in the area, it was clear that Hezbollah had sophisticated media relations and were in control of the situation. Hezbollah designated the places that they went to, and the journalists "certainly didn't have time to go into the houses or lift up the rubble to see what was underneath." According to his reports, there was no doubt that the bombs were hitting Hezbollah facilities, and while there appeared to be "a lot of civilian damage, a lot of civilian properties," he reiterated that he could not verify the civilian nature of the destroyed buildings.(291)
Several media commentators and journalists have alleged an intentionally distorted coverage of the events, in favour of Hezbollah, by means of photo manipulation, staging by Hezbollah or by journalists, and false or misleading captioning.(292) For example, CNN's Charlie Moore described a Hezbollah press tour of a bombed-out area in southern Beirut on 23 July 2006 as a "dog-and-pony show" due to perceived staging, misrepresentation of the nature of the destroyed areas, and strict directives about when and with whom interviews could take place.(293) In the same interview CNN's John Roberts, reporting from an Israeli artillery battery on the Lebanese border, stated that he had to take everything he was told – either by the IDF or Hezbollah – "with a grain of salt," citing mutual recriminations of civilian targeting which he was unable to verify independently.(291) As another example, Reuters withdrew over 900 photographs by Adnan Hajj, a Lebanese freelance photographer, after he admitted to digitally adding and darkening smoke spirals in photographs of an attack on Beirut.(294) Photographs submitted to Reuters and Associated Press showed one Lebanese woman mourning on two different pictures taken by two photographers, allegedly taken two weeks apart.(295) It is "common practice to send more than one photographer to an incident".(296)
Social and online media were important for providing alternate means of creating and disseminating accounts and political commentary. For example, Lebanese blogger Fink Ployd maintained the blog BloggingBeirut.com, posting images, audio files, and testimony from Lebanon, particularly from Lebanese Arab youth.(297)
Swedish politician Lars Adaktusson, who worked as a journalist in Israel for national news outlet Sveriges Television (SVT) at the time of the war, stated in a 2017 presentation that he was ordered by SVT management to report that armed hostilities had been started by Israel irrespective of the facts. Also he was ordered not to report Hizbollah rocket attacks on Israeli civilians.(298)
Reviews of the conflict
Following the UN-brokered ceasefire, there were mixed responses on who had gained or lost the most in the war. Iran and Syria proclaimed a victory for Hezbollah(299) while Olmert declared that the war was a success for Israel.(300)
At the outbreak of hostilities, Prime Minister Fouad Siniora promised to rein in Hezbollah in an effort to stop Israel's offensive. Saniora said that there could be no sovereign state of Lebanon without the group's disarming. The former President of Lebanon Amin Gemayel, a longtime critic of Hezbollah said, "Hezbollah took a unilateral action, but its repercussions will affect the entire country."(301)
The war deepened the longtime divide in Lebanon over Hezbollah's role. Many admired the organization for being the sole group to fight against Israel. Others considered it to be a dangerous militia that executes Iran and Syria policies in Lebanon. The divide over Hezbollah followed mostly sectarian lines, with Shias largely supporting the group and Sunnis, Christians and Druse mostly opposing it.(301)
On 27 August 2006, Nasrallah said in an interview with New TV that the abduction of the two soldiers did not cause the war. It only advanced a long planned war for a few months. But he added: "If there was even a 1 percent chance that the July 11 capturing operation would have led to a war like the one that happened, would you have done it? I would say no, absolutely not, for humanitarian, moral, social, security, military, and political reasons. (…) What happened is not an issue of a reaction to a capturing operation… what happened was already planned for. The fact that it happened in July has averted a situation that would have been a lot worse, had the war been launched in October."(302)
On 22 September 2006, some eight hundred thousand Hezbollah supporters gathered in Beirut for a rally at which Nasrallah stated that Hezbollah had achieved a "divine and strategic victory."(303)
Within hours of Israeli's bombing of Lebanon on 13 July 2006, hundreds of protesters gathered in Tel Aviv to oppose the war.(304) On 22 July, about 2,000 people, including many Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel, demanded an end to the offensive during a protest march in Tel Aviv's Rabin Square.(305) On 5 August, some Israelis demonstrated in Tel Aviv, including former Knesset members of the Meretz party, Mossi Raz, Naomi Hazan and Yael Dayan.(un devis est requis)
Initially, in a poll by an Israeli radio station, Israelis were split on the outcome with the majority believing that no one won.(306) By 25 August 63% of Israelis polled wanted Olmert to resign due to his handling of the war.(307) Bureau de poste de Jérusalem said that " if you fail to win, you lose" and that as "Hezbollah survived, it won the war."(308)
Olmert admitted to the Knesset that there were mistakes in the war in Lebanon,(309) though he framed UN Security Council resolution 1701 as an accomplishment for Israel that would bring home the captured soldiers, and said that the operations had altered the regional strategic balance vis-à-vis Hezbollah.(310) The Israeli Chief of Staff Dan Halutz admitted to failings in the conflict.(311) On 15 August, Israeli government and defense officials called for Halutz's resignation following a stock scandal in which he admitted selling stocks hours before the start of the Israeli offensive.(312) Halutz subsequently resigned on 17 January 2007.
On 21 August, a group of demobilized Israel reserve soldiers and parents of soldiers killed in the fighting started a movement calling for the resignation of Olmert and the establishment of a state commission of inquiry. They set up a protest tent opposite the Knesset and grew to over 2,000 supporters by 25 August,(un devis est requis) including the influential Movement for Quality Government.(313) On 28 August, Olmert announced that there would be no independent state or governmental commission of inquiry, but two internal inspection probes, one to investigate the political echelon and one to examine the IDF, and likely a third commission to examine the Home Front, to be announced at a later date. These would have a more limited mandate and less authority than a single inquiry commission headed by a retired judge.(314) The political and military committees were to be headed by former director of Mossad Nahum Admoni and former Chief of Staff Amnon Lipkin-Shahak, respectively. Critics argued that these committees amount to a whitewash, due to their limited authority, limited investigatory scope, their self-appointed basis, and that neither would be headed by a retired judge.(un devis est requis)
Due to these pressures, on 11 October, Admoni was replaced by retired justice Eliyahu Winograd as chair of the political probe, and the probe itself was elevated to the status of governmental commission with near-state commission mandate: the Winograd Commission. On 12 September, former defense minister Moshe Arens spoke of "the defeat of Israel" in calling for a state committee of inquiry. He said that Israel had lost "to a very small group of people, 5,000 Hezbollah fighters, which should have been no match at all for the IDF", and stated that the conflict could have "some very fateful consequences for the future."(315) Disclosing his intent to shortly resign, Ilan Harari, the IDF's chief education officer, stated at a conference of senior IDF officers that Israel lost the war, becoming the first senior active duty officer to publicly state such an opinion.(316) IDF Major General Yiftah Ron Tal, on 4 October 2006 became the second and highest ranking serving officer to express his opinion that the IDF failed "to win the day in the battle against Hezbollah" as well as calling for Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz' resignation.(317) Ron-Tal was subsequently fired for making those and other critical comments.(318)
However, Eyal Zisser, director of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University, took a contrary position and expressed the view that the war was in fact a strategic success for Israel and a Hezbollah defeat. He noted that Hezbollah had "lost about a third of its elite fighting force" and that "despite mistakes made by the IDF in conducting the military campaign, Israeli soldiers triumphed in every face-to-face battle with Hezbollah." He concluded that "as time passes, the severity of the blow suffered by Lebanon and its people from the 2006 war becomes clear."(319)
In March 2007, the Committee decided to name the war the "Second Lebanon War", a decision that was subsequently approved by the Israeli cabinet.(320)
In 2008, Ehud Barak, the replacement defense minister for Peretz, stated that the conflict failed to disarm Hezbollah, and that the group is increasingly entrenched in South Lebanon, further stating that "Hezbollah is stronger than ever and has more rockets than at the outbreak of the Lebanon war in the summer of 2006"(321) but he later noted that "(Israeli) deterrence still exists."(322) The IDF's Northern Command cited this deterrence as one reason Hezbollah did not fire any rockets into Israel during Operation Cast Lead.(323)
Israeli military historian Martin van Creveld stated that Israel's war against Hezbollah was indeed "marked by a long series of failures" but he criticized the Winograd Commission for its failure to take into account the substantial achievements of the war. He noted that hundreds of Hezbollah fighters were killed in the war, and that the organization had "the fight knocked out of it", since following the war, Israel experienced a level of calm on its Lebanon border not seen since the mid-1960s. He also noted that Hezbollah was "thrown out of South Lebanon", and was replaced by "a fairly robust United Nations peacekeeping force" to prevent its return.(324)
IDF Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov Amidror highlighted the number of Hezbollah militants killed, the quick military response to Hezbollah's long-range rocket attacks, the post-war replacement of Hezbollah by the Lebanese Army and UNIFIL in southern Lebanon, and Iran's loss of Hezbollah as a deterrent against an Israeli first strike following the war.(325) Thomas Friedman concurred, stating that the war was a "huge strategic loss for Hezbollah", and contrasted the billions in damage suffered by Hezbollah and Lebanon with the "relatively minor damage" suffered by Israel, which enjoyed an economic "growth spurt" immediately following the war.(326)
Winograd Commission report
According to the Winograd Commission report, the Second Lebanon War was regarded as a "missed opportunity" and that "Israel initiated a long war, which ended without a defined military victory". The report continued to state that "a semi-military organization of a few thousand men resisted, for a few weeks, the strongest army in the Middle East, which enjoyed full air superiority and size and technology advantages." Furthermore, Hezbollah's rocket attacks continued throughout the war and the IDF did not provide an effective response to it. Following a long period of using standoff firepower and limited ground activities, the IDF launched a large-scale ground offensive close to the UN Security Council's resolution which imposed a cease-fire. "This offensive did not result in military gains and was not completed."
Later in the Report, the Commission stated that "(a) decision (was) made in the night of 12 July to react (to the capturing) with immediate and substantive military action and to set … ambitious goals." This decision had immediate repercussions in that subsequent decisions were limited mainly to a choice between a) "a short, painful and unexpected blow on Hezbollah" and b) "to bring about a significant change of the reality in the South of Lebanon with a large ground operation,(occupying) … the South of Lebanon and 'cleaning' it of Hezbollah." "The fact Israel went to war before it decided which option to select and without an exit strategy, all these constituted serious failures of the decision making process." As for achievements, the Commission reported that "SC resolution 1701, and the fact that it was adopted unanimously, were an achievement for Israel."(327)
In the aftermath of the conflict US President George Bush said that Hezbollah was responsible for starting the war, and that the group suffered a defeat at the hands of Israel.(329) He dismissed claims of victory by Hezbollah leaders, asking: "how can you claim victory when at one time you were a state within a state, safe within southern Lebanon, and now you're going to be replaced by a Lebanese Army and an international force?"(329) In his 2010 memoir, Decision Points, Bush wrote that Israel had weakened Hezbollah and secured its northern border, but that Israel's "shaky military performance" cost it international credibility. He also said that Israel "mishandled its opportunity", and that some of the sites it attacked were of "questionable military value".(330)
In a speech given on 15 August 2006, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad claimed that the Arab resistance against Israel would continue to grow stronger, saying, "Your weapons, warplanes, rockets and even your atomic bomb will not protect you in the future."(331)
The Economist magazine concluded that by surviving this asymmetrical military conflict with Israel, Hezbollah effectively emerged with a military and political victory from this conflict. They cite the facts that Hezbollah was able to sustain defenses on Lebanese soil and inflict unmitigated rocket attacks on Israeli civilians in the face of a punishing air and land campaign by the IDF.(332)
Matt M. Matthews, a military historian at the Combat Studies Institute of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College praised Hezbollah paramilitaries and reflected on what he described as "the lackluster performance of the IDF." He attributed this to several factors including (Lieutenant-General and Chief of the IDF General Staff) Halutz's steadfast confidence in air power coupled with continuing COIN operations against the Palestinians at the expense of training for major combat operations.(333)
The US Congressional Research Service found that although Hezbollah's military capabilities may have been substantially reduced, its long-term potential as a guerrilla movement appeared to remain intact: "Observers note that Hezbollah's leaders have been able to claim a level of 'victory' simply by virtue of not having decisively 'lost'."(334)
Military analyst and former IDF general Giora Eiland concluded that, though outgunned and outnumbered, Hezbollah managed to hold off Israel's advanced armed forces and proved its ability to damage Israel by launching rockets at its territory until the end of the war. He estimates that Hezbollah's destructive capabilities have increased in the years after the war and that the group is capable to inflict "far worse damage on the Israeli homefront" than in 2006.(335) An Israeli official warned that combat with Hezbollah will be very bloody and Lebanon would sustain heavy damage in any future war.(336)
In the 2007 BBC documentary, Hunting for Hezbollah, BBC This World reporter Emeka Onono referred to Israel's inability to eliminate Hezbollah as a "humiliation for Israel's supposedly all-powerful army," and he went on to claim that Hezbollah's survival propelled it to hero status throughout many Muslim nations.(337)
British military historian John Keegan stated that the outcome of the war was "misreported as an Israeli defeat" due to anti-Israel bias in the international media. He concluded that Hezbollah had suffered heavy losses, and that a cease-fire came into effect before Israel could completely dislodge Hezbollah from its positions. He also stated that the casualties sustained by Israel during the war had alarmed the Israeli Government and High Command because Israel's small population is acutely vulnerable to losses in battle.(182)
Charles Krauthammer, a syndicated columnist and political commentator, citing an interview by which Nasrallah admitted that he would not have captured the soldiers had he known that it would lead to war, wrote, "Nasrallah's admission, vastly underplayed in the West, makes clear what Lebanese already knew. Hezbollah may have won the propaganda war, but on the ground it lost. Badly." He noted that Hezbollah's entrenched infrastructure along Israel's border was shattered and would not be easily rebuilt due to the presence of the Lebanese Army and a robust UNIFIL force, hundreds of Hezbollah's best fighters were killed in the war, and that many Lebanese were angry with Hezbollah for provoking a war which largely devastated the country.(338)
The Washington Post stated that the war had been "widely seen as a disaster for the Israeli military". It further reported that the US Defense Department had sent as many as a dozen teams to interview Israeli officers who had fought in the war, to learn the lessons of the Israeli army's failures during the conflict.(339)(340)
Michael Young, opinion page editor at the Lebanese Daily Star newspaper, stated that Hezbollah turned "the stench of defeat into the smell of victory", through clever use of its propaganda machine. He suggested that Hezbollah had "hoodwinked" pundits who believed that Hezbollah was victorious, and opined that "one dreads to imagine what Hezbollah would recognize as a military loss."(341)
American military strategist and historian Edward Luttwak drew comparisons with the 1973 Yom Kippur War, where what initially looked like an Israeli setback later turned out to be an IDF victory and an Arab defeat. He stated that although some IDF tanks were penetrated by missiles, they also largely limited IDF casualties, and that Hezbollah had failed to inflict massive losses on the IDF and to kill large numbers of Israelis in rocket attacks.(342) Cambridge professor and Peterhouse Fellow Brendan Simms summed up the war this way; "Hezbollah have suffered a setback (but are too clever to admit it) and the Israelis have scored a long-term success (but are too narrow-minded to realize it)."(343)
Journalist Michael Totten wrote that "Hezbollah lost and Hezbollah knows it." He questioned why Hezbollah did not attack Israel when the IDF attacked Hamas in Gaza in 2008, and noted that most of Nasrallah's supporters "want Hezbollah to deter Israeli invasions, not to invite Israeli invasions". Totten concluded that Nasrallah's boasts "play well in much of the Arab world", but that the 2006 "victory" seemed "empty at home."(344)
Armin Rosen, Defense and military advisor wrote at Business Insider that the 2006 Lebanon War was "widely remembered as one of the worst debacles in the history of the Israeli military", but remarked that it established Israeli deterrence against Hezbollah.(345)
Financial and political repercussions
The fighting resulted in a huge financial setback for Lebanon, with an official estimate of a fall in growth from +6% to 2% and US$5 Billion (22% of GDP)(346) in direct and indirect costs, while the cost for Israel was estimated at US$3.5 billion.(347) Indirect costs to Israel include a cut in growth by 0.9%.(348) and the cost to tourism was estimated at 0.4% of Israel's GDP in the following year.(349) According to Imad Salamey in The Government and Politics of Lebanon, the main casualty was the fragile unity between Lebanon's sectarian and political groups.(350)
In the days following 14 August 2006 ceasefire, Hezbollah launched dozens of rockets and mortars inside southern Lebanon, which Israel did not respond to, though there were several instances where Israeli troops killed armed Hezbollah members approaching their positions.(351)(352)(353) Israeli warplanes continued conducting numerous flyovers and maneuvers above southern Lebanon, which Israel said did not violate the ceasefire.(354)(355) On 19 August 2006, Israel launched a raid in Lebanon's eastern Beqaa Valley it says was aimed at disrupting Hezbollah's weapons supply from Syria and Iran.(356) Lebanese officials "said the Israelis were apparently seeking a guerrilla target in a school."(357)(358)(359)(360)(361) Israel's aerial and commando operations were criticised by Kofi Annan as violations of the ceasefire, which he said they had conducted the majority of, and he also protested the continued embargo. France, then leading UNIFIL, also issued criticism of the flyovers, which it interpreted as aggressive.(362) Israel argued that "(t)he cease-fire is based on (UN resolution) 1701 which calls for an international arms embargo against Hezbollah," and said the embargo could be lifted after full implementation of the cease-fire(356) but Annan said that UNIFIL would only interdict arms at Lebanon's request.(363)(364) On 7 September 2006 and 8 September 2006 respectively, aviation and naval blockades were lifted.(365) In the second half of September Hezbollah claimed victory and asserted an improvement in their position, and they redeployed to some positions on the border(366)(367) as Israel completed its withdrawal from Lebanon save border-straddling Ghajar.(56)(368)(369)(370)(371)(372) On 3 October, an Israeli fighter penetrated the 2-nautical-mile (4 km) defence perimeter of the French frigate Courbet without answering radio calls, triggering a diplomatic incident.(373)
On 24 October, six Israeli F-16s flew over a German Navy vessel patrolling off Israel's coast just south of the Lebanese border. The German Defence Ministry said that the planes had given off infrared decoys and one of the aircraft had fired two shots into the air, which had not been specifically aimed. The Israeli military said that a German helicopter took off from the vessel without having coordinated this with Israel, and denied vehemently having fired any shots at the vessel and said "as of now" it also had no knowledge of the jets launching flares over it. Israeli Defence Minister Amir Peretz telephoned his German counterpart Franz Josef Jung to clarify that 'Israel has no intention to carry out any aggressive actions' against the German peacekeeping forces in Lebanon, who are there as part of UNIFIL to enforce an arms embargo against Hezbollah. Germany confirmed the consultations, and that both sides were interested in maintaining good cooperation.(374)(375)
On 1 December 2006, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan submitted a report to the Security Council president maintaining "there were no serious incidents or confrontations" since the cease-fire in August 2006. He did, however, note that peacekeepers reported air violations by Israel "almost on a daily basis," which Israel maintained were a security measure related to continuing Syrian and Iranian arms shipments to Hezbollah, and evidence of the presence of unauthorized armed personnel, assets, and weapons in Lebanon.(6) In one case, a UNIFIL demining team was challenged by two Hezbollah members in combat uniforms armed with AK-47 rifles; UNIFIL notified the Lebanese army, who arrested three suspects the next day.(6) There were also "13 instances where UNIFIL came across unauthorized arms or related material in its area of operation", including the discovery of 17 katyusha rockets and several improvised explosive devices in Rachaiya El-Foukhar, and the discovery of a weapons cache containing seven missiles, three rocket launchers, and a substantial amount of ammunition in the area of Bourhoz.(6)(376) Annan also reported that as of 20 November 2006, 822 Israeli cluster bomb strike sites had been recorded,(376) with 60,000 cluster bomblets having been cleared by the UN Mine Action Coordination Center.(377)
The months after the hostilities saw major upheaval in the Israeli military and political echelon, with the spate of high-ranking resignations including Chief of General Staff Dan Halutz,(378) and calls for resignations of many cabinet-members including Prime-Minister Ehud Olmert following publication of the Winograd Commission's findings.(379) The Winograd report severely criticized Olmert, accusing him of a "severe failure in exercising judgment, responsibility and caution." Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora criticized the Winograd report for failing to report on the full destruction dealt to Lebanon by the brief July War of 2006.(380)
After the war, the Lebanese Army deployed 15,000 soldiers, backed by a UNIFIL force of 12,000, deployed South of the Litani River to replace Hezbollah, although the Lebanese government said that it cannot and will not disarm Hezbollah by force. On 7 February 2010, the Lebanese Army fired at an Israeli bulldozer on the border, and Israeli forces returned fire. There were no reported casualties. Lebanon claimed that the bulldozer had crossed the border and entered Lebanese territory. On 21 February 2007, Lebanese Army troops fired at an Israeli UAV over Tyre with small arms, causing no damage.(381)
On 30 June 2007, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon's fourth report on the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701 fingered Israel, Lebanon and Hezbollah for violating the ceasefire, but called the firing of rockets into Israel by unknown elements "the most serious breach of the cessation of hostilities since the end of the war." The report commended Israel on its restraint following this attack, and commended Lebanon for its continued efforts to disarm armed groups. It further stated that in spite of "flexibility by Israel beyond the framework of UNSC-Resolution 1701, implementation of the resolution's humanitarian aspects has not yet been possible."(382)
On 12 February 2008, Imad Mugniyah, the head of Hezbollah's military wing, was assassinated by a car bomb in Damascus.(383) The Mossad, Israel's intelligence agency, was widely believed to be behind the assassination. Although Israel officially denied involvement, Mugniyah had been the target of previous Mossad assassination attempts.(384) Israel considered Mugniyah a "significant force behind actions against Israel".(385)
On 14 July 2009, an explosion in Khirbat Silim, a Lebanese village near the Lebanon-Israel border, killed eight Hezbollah militants. Israel and the United Nations stated that the explosion was a hidden Hezbollah weapons cache, and condemned Hezbollah for violating Resolution 1701. The Lebanese government stated that the explosion was caused by IDF munitions left following the 2006 war.(386)(387) Hezbollah blamed the explosion on leftover shells that had been collected following Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000.(388) A Kuwaiti newspaper, al-Seyassah, reported that the ammunition warehouse stored chemical weapons.(389)
On 23 August 2009, the IDF published a video it said showed villagers from Marwakhin, a village in Southern Lebanon, "forcefully resisting" efforts by Hezbollah militants to store weapons in their village.(390)
On 4 November 2009 Israeli navy commandos of Shayetet 13 boarded the ship MV Francop in the eastern Mediterranean Sea and seized 500 tons of Iranian armaments disguised as civilian cargo. Israel said the weapons were bound for Hezbollah and originated from Iran.(391) Hezbollah disavowed any connection to the contraband and accused Israel of "piracy."(392)
According to Lebanese Army in May 2010 it fired anti-aircraft artillery at two Israeli jets over Lebanon.(393)
In 2010, French UNIFIL forces warned that they could in the future attack Israeli jets with anti-aircraft batteries if Israel continued its overflights of Lebanese airspace.(394)
On 4 August 2010, a clash on the border occurred when the Israel military tried to remove a tree from between the border and the border fence on Israeli territory. According to the Israelis, the tree was blocking the view of one of their video cameras at the border. The Lebanese army fired at the Israeli forces and there was a clash for a few hours. In the ensuing clash, one Israeli soldier died as well as two Lebanese soldiers and one Lebanese journalist. There were also a number of injured military soldiers and civilians on both sides including Lebanese journalists.(395)
On Wednesday 16 July 2008, in accordance with the mandates of Resolution 1701, Hezbollah transferred the coffins of captured Israeli soldiers,(396) Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev, in exchange for incarcerated Palestine Liberation Front militant Samir Kuntar, four Hezbollah militants captured by Israel during the war, and bodies of about 200 other Lebanese and Palestinian militants held by Israel.(397) Until that time, Hezbollah had provide no information on Goldwasser and Regev's condition and disallowed the Red Cross from visiting them.(397)
The 2006 Lebanon War is the subject of two feature length films, both of which were screened at the 2008 Sundance Film Festival. They are Philippe Aractingi's Under the Bombs (2007) and Guy Nattiv and Erez Tadmor's Strangers (2007).(398) Israeli soldier and documentary filmmaker Yariv Mozer also wrote, directed and filmed the autobiographical "My First War" based on his experiences in the conflict.(399) The conflict was also the subject of an episode of Anthony Bourdain: No Reservations, which was nominated for an Emmy Award for Outstanding Informational Programming in 2007.(400)
A collective of Lebanese filmmakers produced during and in the immediate aftermath of the war some twenty short videos that were released as Videos Under Siege and presented in numerous festivals including the Dubai International Film Festival. The directors involved included Akram Zaatari, Khalil Joreige, Joana Hadjithomas, Danielle Arbid, Tina Baz, Gregory Buchakjian, Ghassan Salhab, Rania Stephan and others.(401)
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